The chancellor has approached this week's budget similar to a hesitant bather inching into freezing water, endeavoring to ease the unpleasantness through incremental immersion.
The chancellor began dealing with the issue of limited funds at the close of summer. To begin with, she would not to support earlier insistence that tax rises in last year's budget would be the ultimate ones.
Subsequently, in early November, she took a larger move into the icy sea. A speech vowed to "take required actions" to finance government services and maintain borrowing costs down.
In just 10 days, the Treasury had withdrawn the hint. The manifesto commitment was upheld ultimately. As any icy-water dipper knows, this cancelled plunge and quivering retreat is the least effective of all techniques. No strategy extends the pain like uncertainty.
It's hard to be firm when selecting between types of self-inflicted damage.
Optimism has not been a successful tactic for the ruling party. At the core of the Labour leader's political platform was the unrealistic expectation of somehow satisfying citizens' call for better government services without overturning large sums of Conservative revenue decreases.
At no point has either the prime minister or Reeves effectively expressed a feeling of collective goal to explain all this difficulty. To some extent that is a challenge of charisma. Both leaders are uncannily alike in their ineffective messaging, wooden and reticent in a way that repels listeners off instead of pulling them in.
Just as public demand to fund state services has pushed the exchequer to concede that taxes must go up, the commercial requirement of increasing economic expansion makes it ever harder to ignore the expense of separation from the continental trading bloc.
The government used a period dabbling in the initial phase of realignment with the European Union: suggestions to end customs checks on agricultural goods; a youth mobility scheme. Vision went a further on energy, defence and security cooperation, but no major deals has so far been agreed.
Without clear direction and momentum from the prime minister's office, talks are stalled. EU officials says economic advantages are unlocked with contributions to the continental treasury. British officials understand that's the arrangement. That doesn't lead them keen for a visible argument and campaigners howling treason over the eventual amount ends up being agreed.
Commercial conditions has provoked some shift in Labour's language on the EU relationship. The chancellor has started citing EU withdrawal alongside the Covid pandemic as a cause of financial harm that the Treasury is toiling to address. Other ministers have emulated this, although they cautiously ascribe the responsibility to "unfavorable agreement" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The issue of the UK's long-term partnership with the European Union can't be reduced to administrative modifications and customs systems when the whole geopolitical order is in significant transformation. Considering everything that has happened since the referendum year, it feels legitimate still to be posing the fundamental issue: were the UK's priorities served by departing the European Union?
These constitute sobering, challenging realities about Britain's position in turbulent world affairs. It is expected that Starmer and Reeves shy away from the responsibility. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into forces that they will not resist. So instead they continue apprehensively moving along the coastline, wishing that possibly in the near future the tide will shift.
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